Quote of the Week
Patrick Fitzgerald:
[T]he truth is the engine of our judicial system.
And if you compromise the truth, the whole process is lost.
[T]he truth is the engine of our judicial system.
And if you compromise the truth, the whole process is lost.
Cheney Adviser Resigns After Indictment
By JOHN SOLOMON and PETE YOST,
Associated Press Writers
WASHINGTON - The vice president's chief of staff,
I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby Jr., was indicted Friday on
charges of obstruction of justice, perjury and making
false statements in the CIA leak investigation, a
politically charged case that could cast a harsh light on
President Bush's push to war.
Libby, 55, resigned and left the White House.
. . .
"Mr. Libby's story that he was at the tail end of a chain
of phone calls, passing on from one reporter what he
heard from another, was not true. It was false," the
prosecutor said. "He was at the beginning of the chain of
the phone calls, the first official to disclose this
information outside the government to a reporter. And
he lied about it afterward, under oath, repeatedly."
Money woes plague legacy of Rosa Parks
Family wary of her caregivers' motives
November 23, 2004
BY SUZETTE HACKNEY
FREE PRESS STAFF WRITER
Two charities created to preserve and protect the name
and legacy of civil rights legend Rosa Parks and her
late husband have spent the last seven years entangled
in lawsuits for nonpayment of bills, been slapped with
$25,000 in tax liens by the IRS and the state, and had
a vehicle repossessed.
In addition, Parks has twice received eviction notices
from her Detroit home, a Free Press investigation has
found.
Parks' doctors have said the 91-year-old matriarch of
the modern civil rights movement is in poor health and
has dementia, a condition suggesting she is likely
unaware of the financial problems. She has rarely been
seen in public in recent years. Some of her family
members have questioned whether Parks is receiving
the care she deserves.
"We never had proof, but we always suspected
something was amiss with Auntie Rosa," said Rhea
McCauley, a niece who tried to become Parks' guardian
in 2002. "The way they're caring for our aunt is not
professional at all. They've virtually shut the family
out."
. . .
Friends and family have fretted about Parks' well-being
for years. When her Detroit home was broken into and
she was assaulted in 1994, outraged business and
community leaders raised funds for Parks' relocation to
Riverfront Apartments, a luxurious, high-security
complex.
When she moved in, Archer, who was then Detroit's
mayor, welcomed Parks to the building and cited her
spectacular view of the Detroit River. He said her
surroundings offered "peace and tranquility."
But in 2002 -- in October and again in November -- the
complex took her to court for nonpayment of rent and
tried to evict her. Management filed complaints in 36th
District Court in Detroit, stating that Parks owed the
complex $4,471.
Steele said Parks' rent was paid. She said the eviction
notices were mistakenly filed and should have been
removed from court records. Steele said someone from
Riverfront's office told her that an error occurred, but
she couldn't supply the name of that person.
"I really don't want to discuss Mrs. Parks' personal
finances," said Steele, who would not say how Parks'
bills are paid. According to documents obtained by the
Free Press, Parks receives a pension from the Federal
Civil Service and Social Security benefits.
Ms. Miller has taken a path that will be lonely and
painful for her and her family and friends. We wish
she did not have to choose it, but we are certain she
did the right thing.
She is surrendering her liberty in defense of a greater
liberty, granted to a free press by the founding fathers
so journalists can work on behalf of the public without
fear of regulation or retaliation from any branch of
government.
The Times needs to review Ms. Miller's journalistic
practices as soon as possible, especially because she
disputes some accounts of her conduct that have come
to light since the leak investigation began.
. . .
Neither Mr. Keller nor the publisher had done much
digging into Ms. Miller's contacts with any of her
confidential sources about Ms. Plame before the
subpoena arrived on Aug. 12, 2004. Neither had
reviewed her notes, for instance. Mr. Keller also didn't
look into whether Ms. Miller had proposed a story
about the Plame leak to an editor.
"I wish that when I learned Judy Miller had been
subpoenaed as a witness in the leak investigation, I
had sat her down for a thorough debriefing, and
followed up with some reporting of my own," he
wrote to me, adding later, "If I had known the details
of Judy's engagement with Libby, I'd have been more
careful in how the paper articulated its defense."
What does the future hold for Ms. Miller? She told me
Thursday that she hopes to return to the paper after
taking some time off. Mr. Sulzberger offered this
measured response: "She and I have acknowledged
that there are new limits on what she can do next." It
seems to me that whatever the limits put on her, the
problems facing her inside and outside the newsroom
will make it difficult for her to return to the paper as a
reporter.
Nearly a year after his re-election, President George W.
Bush is in a slump caused by the Iraq war, two
hurricanes and a criminal investigation centering on
two top White House aides. Republicans are nervously
hoping for a rebound.
Bush's agenda is in tatters. His ambitious plan to
change the Social Security retirement system, already
faltering, has been submerged by the need to rebuild
New Orleans and other areas devastated by
hurricanes Katrina and Rita and his fellow Republicans
are getting heartburn over the cost.
His bid to divert criticism over the slow federal
response to Katrina and improve the daily onslaught
of negative headlines by nominating White House
counsel Harriet Miers to the Supreme Court failed.
Her nomination triggered anger from conservatives
who doubt Miers's credentials and skepticism from
Democrats who worry that she is anti-abortion.
The American death toll from the Iraq war, launched
over weapons of mass destruction that were never
found, nears 2,000 amid a raging insurgency and no
firm timetable for withdrawal.
The 800-pound gorilla in the room at meetings of
Bush's inner-circle is a special prosecutor's
investigation into who leaked the name to the media
of a covert CIA agent in 2003 to try and undermine a
former diplomat who became a prominent critic of the
war.
Here's the new angle: Mr. Spitz means to outdo these
conventional tactics by elevating the Beatles' story to
the realm of serious history. Imagine "John Adams"
with music and marijuana. "The Beatles" is written
for the reader who seeks deep, time-consuming
immersion in the past and can look beyond
traditionally lofty subjects to find it. Like Mark
Stevens's and Annalyn Swan's recent biography
of Willem de Kooning, it means to meld the forces
of personality, culture and art into a broad and
emblematic story.
At first this is worrisome. Yeah, yeah, yeah: Mr. Spitz
goes back centuries to link the slave trade with
American and West Indian exports shipped back to
Liverpool. He locates John O'Leannain and James
McCartney II as Irish refugees from the potato famine
of the 1840's. He embroiders the atmosphere of his
subjects' early years, imagining how young John
Lennon (as the family name evolved) was awakened
by "a clatter of hoofbeats as an old dray horse made
milk deliveries along the rutted road."
But the built-in momentum of the material quickly
takes over. And this book - with its eerily gorgeous
cover, unguarded photo illustrations and enchanting
endpapers that reproduce a teenage Beatlemaniac's
love-struck scrawl - begins to exert its pull. With
sweep already built into its story and the cumulative
effects of the author's levelheaded, anecdotal
approach, the book emerges as a consolidating and
newly illuminating work. For the right reader, that
combination is irresistible.
To: FEMA Director Michael Brown
From: Marty Bahamonde, regional director
for New England
August 31, 11:20 am CDT
Sir, I know that you know the situation is past
critical. Here some things you might not know.
Hotels are kicking people out, thousands gathering in
the streets with no food or water. Hundreds still
being rescued from homes.
The dying patients at the DMAT tent being medivac.
Estimates are many will die within hours.
Evacuation in process. Plans developing for dome
evacuation but hotel situation adding to problem. We
are out of food and running out of water at the dome,
plans in works to address the critical need.
. . .
To: Cindy Taylor, FEMA deputy director
of public affairs & others
From: Sharon Worthy, Brown’s press secretary
August 31, 2:00 pm CDT
Also, it is very important that time is allowed for
Mr. Brown to eat dinner. Gievn [sic] that Baton Rouge
is back to normal, restaurants are getting busy. He
needs much more that [sic] 20 or 30 minutes. We
now have traffic to encounter to get to and from a
location of his choise [sic], followed by wait service
from the restaurant staff, eating, etc.
. . .
To: Cindy Taylor & Michael Widomski, public affairs
From: Marty Bahamonde
August 31, 2:44 pm CDT
OH MY GOD!!!!!!!! No won't go any further, too easy
of a target. Just tell her that I just ate an MRE and
crapped in the hallway of the Superdome along with
30,000 other close friends so I understand her
concern about busy restaurants. Maybe tonight I will
have time to move my pebbles on the parking
garage floor so they don't stab me in the back while
I try to sleep.
An angry President Bush rebuked chief political guru
Karl Rove two years ago for his role in the Valerie
Plame affair, sources told the Daily News.
"He made his displeasure known to Karl," a
presidential counselor told The News. "He made his
life miserable about this."
Bush has nevertheless remained doggedly loyal to
Rove, who friends and even political adversaries
acknowledge is the architect of the President's rise
from baseball owner to leader of the free world.
. . .
A second well-placed source said some recently
published reports implying Rove had deceived Bush
about his involvement in the Wilson counterattack
were incorrect and were leaked by White House aides
trying to protect the President.
In the end, it's hard to see how either story helps
Bush all that much. If the first one is true -- that is, if
Rove lied to Bush -- then the president has known
since at least July that he's employing someone who
lied to his face about something he himself has called
"a very serious matter." And if the second story is
true -- that is, if Bush has known all along -- then he
allowed his spokesman to mislead the American
people and he misled them himself when he suggested
it would be hard to identify the person who leaked
Plame's identity.
Maybe it would be better to just tell the truth.
Now, as always, what matters most in this case is not
whether Mr. Rove and Lewis Libby engaged in a petty
conspiracy to seek revenge on a whistle-blower,
Joseph Wilson, by unmasking his wife, Valerie, a
covert C.I.A. officer. What makes Patrick Fitzgerald's
investigation compelling, whatever its outcome, is its
illumination of a conspiracy that was not at all petty:
the one that took us on false premises into a reckless
and wasteful war in Iraq. That conspiracy was
instigated by Mr. Rove's boss, George W. Bush, and
Mr. Libby's boss, Dick Cheney.
When it was launched, TimesSelect promised:
“exclusive access to 22 columnists of The Times
and the IHT, including online dialogues with
Thomas L. Friedman, Paul Krugman and Frank
Rich...”
Hmmm. Read that sentence closely and you
realize that for $49.95 you've only really been
offered "exclusivity" with respect to the "online
dialogues," not the actual columns. Where is
Elliot Spitzer when you need him?
Asked what she regretted about The Times's handling
of the matter, Jill Abramson, a managing editor, said:
"The entire thing."
...
Last week, [NYT publisher] Mr. Sulzberger said it was
impossible to know whether Ms. Miller could have
struck a deal a year earlier, as at least four other
journalists had done.
"Maybe a deal was possible earlier," Mr. Sulzberger
said. "And maybe, in retrospect, looking back, you
could say this was a moment you could have jumped
on. If so, shame on us. I tend to think not."
On one page of my interview notes, for example, I
wrote the name "Valerie Flame." Yet, as I told Mr.
Fitzgerald, I simply could not recall where that came
from, when I wrote it or why the name was
misspelled.
I testified that I did not believe the name came from
Mr. Libby, in part because the notation does not
appear in the same part of my notebook as the
interview notes from him.
"More and more, the intractable problems in our
society have one answer: broad-based intolerance of
unacceptable conditions and a commitment by many to
fix problems."
...
"We must end collective acceptance of inappropriate
conduct and increase education in professionalism."
...
"An organization must also implement programs to
fulfill strategies established through its goals and
mission. Methods for evaluation of these strategies
are a necessity. With the framework of mission, goals,
strategies, programs, and methods for evaluation in
place, a meaningful budgeting process can begin."
...
"We have to understand and appreciate that achieving
justice for all is in jeopardy before a call to arms to
assist in obtaining support for the justice system will
be effective. Achieving the necessary understanding
and appreciation of why the challenge is so important,
we can then turn to the task of providing the much
needed support."
Last year, then Deputy Chief of Staff Harriet Miers
hosted four sessions of Ask the White House -- "an
online interactive forum where you can submit
questions to Administration officials and friends of the
White House." Miers' responses suggested some
characteristics that one might not necessarily
associate with a prospective Supreme Court justice:
• She appeared to be comfortable with allowing
blocks of text borrowed from other authors to be
published under her name without any
acknowledgement or formal attribution.
• She did not seem to feel obligated to ensure that her
writings published at the official White House Web
Site were proofread to identify and correct glaring
errors.
• She appeared willing to continue to recite partisan
political talking points after they had been largely
dismissed as inaccurate or misleading to the public.
Right now, with the Bush administration in meltdown
on multiple issues, we're hearing a lot about President
Bush's personal failings. But what happened to the
commanding figure of yore, the heroic leader in the
war on terror? The answer, of course, is that the
commanding figure never existed: Mr. Bush is the
same man he always was. All the character flaws that
are now fodder for late-night humor were fully visible,
for those willing to see them, during the 2000
campaign.
And President Bush the great leader is far from the
only fictional character, bearing no resemblance to the
real man, created by media images.
Read the speeches Howard Dean gave before the Iraq
war, and compare them with Colin Powell's pro-war
presentation to the U.N. Knowing what we know now,
it's clear that one man was judicious and realistic,
while the other was spinning crazy conspiracy
theories. But somehow their labels got switched in the
way they were presented to the public by the news
media.
Why does this happen? A large part of the answer is
that the news business places great weight on "up
close and personal" interviews with important people,
largely because they're hard to get but also because
they play well with the public. But such interviews are
rarely revealing. The fact is that most people - myself
included - are pretty bad at using personal
impressions to judge character. Psychologists find, for
example, that most people do little better than chance
in distinguishing liars from truth-tellers.
More broadly, the big problem with political reporting
based on character portraits is that there are no rules,
no way for a reporter to be proved wrong. If a
reporter tells you about the steely resolve of a
politician who turns out to be ineffectual and unwilling
to make hard choices, you've been misled, but not in a
way that requires a formal correction.
And that makes it all too easy for coverage to be
shaped by what reporters feel they can safely say,
rather than what they actually think or know. Now
that Mr. Bush's approval ratings are in the 30's, we're
hearing about his coldness and bad temper, about how
aides are afraid to tell him bad news. Does anyone
think that journalists have only just discovered these
personal characteristics?
Special prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald is trying to
determine whether Vice President Dick Cheney had a
role in the outing of covert CIA operative Valerie
Plame-Wilson, individuals close to Fitzgerald say.
Plame’s husband was a vocal critic of prewar
intelligence used by President George W. Bush to
build support for the Iraq war.
The investigation into who leaked the officer's name
to reporters has now turned toward a little known
cabal of administration hawks known as the White
House Iraq Group (WHIG), which came together in
August 2002 to publicize the threat posed by Saddam
Hussein. WHIG was founded by Bush chief of staff
Andrew Card and operated out of the Vice President’s
office.
. . .
Two officials close to Fitzgerald told RAW STORY they
have seen documents obtained from the White House
Iraq Group which state that Cheney was present at
several of the group's meetings. They say Cheney
personally discussed with individuals in attendance at
least two interviews in May and June of 2003 Wilson
gave to New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof
and Washington Post reporter Walter Pincus, in which
he claimed the administration “twisted” prewar
intelligence and what the response from the
administration should be.
Cheney was interviewed by the FBI surrounding the
leak in 2004. According to the New York Times,
Cheney was asked whether he knew of any concerted
effort by White House aides to name Ms. Wilson.
Sources close to the investigation have also confirmed
that special prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald is trying to
determine Vice President Cheney's role in the outing
of Mrs. Wilson, more specifically, if Cheney ordered
the leak.
In a nutshell: it posits that Judy thought she could get
cute, cut a deal with Fitzgerald to limit her testimony
and then lied to the Grand Jury (possibly about the
first time she met with Libby, having been coached by
him). Fitzgerald busted her, and she's now scrambling
to save her ass and offering up her notes from a
heretofore unknown meeting with A Boy Named
Scooter on June 22.
Beware of leaders who drink their own Kool-Aid. The
most distressing aspect of Mr. Bush's press conference
last week was less his lies and half-truths than the
abundant evidence that he is as out of touch as Custer
was on the way to Little Bighorn. The president seemed
genuinely shocked that anyone could doubt his claim
that his friend is the best-qualified candidate for the
highest court. Mr. Bush also seemed unaware that it was
Republicans who were leading the attack on Ms. Miers.
"The decision as to whether or not there will be a fight is
up to the Democrats," he said, confusing his antagonists
this time much as he has Saddam Hussein and Osama
bin Laden.
The tradition of girls' nights out - or girls' lunches out -
is hardly unique to the Bush White House. Among
other Washington women who get together are White
House social secretaries, who last assembled earlier
this year. "We call ourselves the social secretaries'
sorority," said Ann Stock, a social secretary in the
Clinton administration, who gave a lunch at her home
in January to welcome Lea Berman, Laura Bush's most
recent social secretary, to the clan.
A favorite topic, Ms. Stock said, was stories about
people desperate for invitations to White House
dinners. Ms. Stock gave up no names. ("We did a
pinkie swear that what goes on at the table stays at
the table.") But she offered a generic version of a tale
common to all administrations.
"A king and a queen are coming for a state visit, and
the social secretary gets a call from a man who is
close to hysterical," Ms. Stock said. "All the invitations
have gone out, everybody's accepted and there's no
room, but he comes in and tells this long story about
his wife dying of cancer, and how they have to have
an invitation. So the social secretary makes a special
exception and creates a table of 12, which is bigger
than all the others. And guess what? She's still alive
today, and so is he."
In his own interview with prosecutors on June 24,
2004, Bush testified that Rove assured him he had not
disclosed Plame as a CIA employee and had said
nothing to the press to discredit Wilson, according to
sources familiar with the president's interview. Bush
said that Rove never mentioned the conversation with
Cooper. James E. Sharp, Bush's private attorney, who
was present at the president's interview with
prosecutors, declined to comment for this story.
Sources close to the leak investigation being run by
Special Prosecutor Patrick J. Fitzgerald say it was the
discovery of one of Rove's White House e-mails-in
which the senior Bush adviser referred to his July
2003 conversation with Cooper-that prompted Rove
to contact prosecutors and to revise his account to
include the Cooper conversation.
Cooper's testimony to the federal grand jury
investigating the Plame leak has directly contradicted
Rove's assertions to the president. Cooper has
testified that Rove was the person who first told him
that Wilson's wife worked for the CIA, although Rove
did not name her. Cooper has also testified that Rove
told him that Plame helped arrange for Wilson to
make a fact-finding trip for the CIA to the African
nation of Niger to investigate allegations that then-
Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein was trying to buy
uranium with which to build a nuclear bomb.
In his first interview with FBI agents working on the
leak probe, Rove similarly did not disclose that he had
spoken to Cooper, according to sources close to the
investigation,
But in subsequent interviews with federal
investigators and in his testimony to the grand jury,
Rove changed his account, asserting that when the
FBI first questioned him, he had simply forgotten
about his phone conversation with Cooper. Rove also
told prosecutors that he had forgotten about the
Cooper conversation when he talked to the president
about the matter in the fall of 2003.
No one wants to get to the bottom of this matter more
than the President of the United States. If someone
leaked classified information, the President wants to
know. If someone in this administration leaked
classified information, they will no longer be a part of
this administration, because that's not the way this
White House operates, that's not the way this
President expects people in his administration to
conduct their business.